Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași (Serie Nouă) SCIENCES POLITIQUES
The Scientific Annals of "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iași (New Series). Political Science is an annual journal published at the initiative and under the direction of the Department of Political Science at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași. Its primary aim is to foster the exchange of ideas and contribute to scholarly debate in the field of political science, while actively welcoming contributions that engage with broader interdisciplinary perspectives across the social sciences and humanities.
Paul Dobrescu, Florin Zeru, Comunicarea guvernamentala in Romania.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : (2025)
Democrație si totalitarism. Un răspuns pentru Ovidiu Gherasim-Proca
In response to a recent critique, this article reaffirms that the current political developments point towards an unprecedented body of totalitarian methods and techniques that could be used by modern governments. Their task of silencing critique, manufacture consensus, extend surveillance and punish dissent is even easier to put in place due to the new political, cultural and mental environment. This is the alliance between the overwhelming state bureaucracy, jealous for any individual space of liberty, and late capitalism, an economic system struggling to adapt to and fully use the new technological means at the disposal of the state bureaucracy. This alliance is the most formidable obstacle for a free mind, for the free speech and for the practical liberty of former citizens, now reduced to simple objects of the joint economic and state power structures. Its victory over the free spirit would pose a much heavy burden on the next generations. If this alliance will dominate all public space, there will not be valuable external forces to fight and succeed, as it was the case with the defeated Nazism. The only hope will come from the inner erosion and the organic dismantling of this new power structure.
Problems of Democratization in Post-communist Romania
The Revolution of December 1989 represents the beginning of the transition from a communist to a democratic society. Romania will go through a slow period of transition or even stagnation, in some places. The lack of a strong elite, the takeover of power by the old party leaders, the absence of legislation condemning the former political regime and its atrocities and the problem of privatization, coincided with the creation of economic, political and social chaos. Thus, corruption, nepotism and favoritism to the detriment of meritocracy led to the impoverishment of the population and the deepening of social cleavages and, last but not least, to a strong migration that left the state without the human resources necessary for economic consolidation. The research question that I started this study from – How did the absence of strong elite and corruption affect the establishment of the democratic regime in Romania and what were the long-term consequences of these difficulties in the democratization process? – will help me explore the state of these elements within the transition process. Throughout the research, I will use qualitative research methods: the study of official documents, regulations that played an important role in the elimination of the totalitarian regime, specialized literature, comparative analysis and case study for the situation in Romania. The answer I propose is as simple as possible: the factors mentioned above led to political instability, a decrease in citizens' trust in the political system and the search for non-democratic alternatives.
Modernizing the State Security Bodies as Primary Institutional Components of the National Security System: the Experience of Romania and Ukraine
The article analyzes the indicators of security modernization in Ukraine and Romania, with a focus on the structure of the state security bodies. The reforms initiated are by no means guaranteed to be successful in terms of their functioning and manifestation within and outside the national security system, especially in the current security context. There is examines the specific features and functioning of the national security system of Ukraine, a former Soviet republic with EU accession objectives and currently facing a war in its eastern region, as well as that of Romania, a European Union member state. To carry out a comparative analysis of the security bodies of Ukraine and Romania, we have identified the following research aspects: the structure of these institutions, the relationships between them and the way they contribute to ensuring national security, the evolution of the security-related normative framework over time, and the factors that influence its content.
Youth Civic Engagement in the Era of Disinformation. Fake News and Electoral Participation in Romania and the European Union
In an age defined by profound digital transformations, the civic and political engagement of young people has become an essential topic for the health of democracy. This paper explores the relationship between youth civic participation and the phenomenon of disinformation, focusing on both the Romanian and European contexts. As young people are the primary users of digital media, their exposure to fake news and manipulative content can significantly shape their perceptions of politics, institutions, and electoral participation. The paper combines a theoretical analysis of civic engagement, media education, and disinformation with an assessment of public policies and recent data provided by Eurobarometer, the European Commission, and the National Institute of Statistics. The findings highlight the need for extended media literacy education and for strengthening the dialogue between young citizens and democratic institutions.
The Electoral Violence – A Re-Emerging Concept in the Analysis of Contemporary Political Systems?
This article aims to analyze the concept of electoral violence, which seems to be increasingly relevant in the present day world, as it re-emerges in the context of multiple electoral competitions held in 2024. The interest for such an analysis is determined by the fact that electoral violence seems to be an increasingly present phenomenon in a world made up mainly of democratic political systems that do not encourage such forms of political participation. From this point of view, this article aims to define the concept of electoral violence, to determine the possible causes and consequences of the way in which its corresponding phenomena take form, and to conduct a diagnosis based on the phenomenology of the term by referencing different cases where the manifestation of electoral violence could be observed.
Protesting For a Problematic Status Quo: Romanian Magistrates’ Responses to Judicial Pension Reform
One of the most debated topics concerning the reform of the Romanian judiciary has been the perceived need to remove some of the benefits associated with the special retirement regime available to judges, prosecutors, and administrative personnel assimilated to magistrates. Such benefits have become a symbol of entrenched privileges of the elite, while defended by the magistrates as a necessary guarantee of their institutional independence. This article examines the political conflict surrounding the 2025 Romanian judicial pension reform, focusing on the apparent inability of the judiciary to mobilize in protest and to act as a veto player, despite its immense bargaining power. Drawing on documentary analysis of legislative proceedings, judicial council decisions and public statements, the article argues that the magistrates’ willingness to compromise reflects the attachment of the judicial elite to a dysfunctional and unsustainable bargain with the political decision-makers: excessive workloads and organizational inertia traded for relatively high levels of remuneration and special pension entitlements.
In political philosophy, in order to obtain a balanced view, concepts that seem opposite are sometimes hybridized. Liberal communitarianism is the result of such a process. It attempts to reconcile liberal principles and values with the theses of communitarianism regarding the importance of community identity, cultural framework and social responsibility. Instead of the tensions between cosmopolitan liberal views, centered on individuals and those centered on community specifics, liberal communitarianism proposes a synthesis. We are, in equal measure, individuals and social beings. Suggestions of liberal communitarianism can contribute to identifying solutions that, through their moderation and reasonableness, will be able to achieve broad social agreements, which are increasingly necessary in the context of ideological radicalism and of the current intense political polarization.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași (Serie Nouă) SCIENCES POLITIQUES (2025)
Migration’s Structural Impact on the European Union’s Security: Institutional Assessments and Strategic Implications (2022–2025)
This article investigates the structural impact of migration on the European Union’s (EU) security order in the period 2022–2025, linking forced displacement from Ukraine, persistent mixed flows along key routes and the adoption of the 2024 Pact on Migration and Asylum. It argues that migration operates as an exogenous shock that accelerates “high-level” integration whenever perceived loss of control reaches a critical political threshold. Mobilizing insights from migration studies, european integration theory and securitization approaches, the article conceptualizes EU migration governance as a multi-layered regime that combines human-security objectives with hybrid-security logics. Empirically, it examines three dimensions: the immediate response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, centered on the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive and the Strategic Compass; the data-driven management of evolving routes and risks, including the role of EU agencies and interoperable IT systems; and the legal–institutional consolidation brought by the Pact, with its permanent solidarity mechanism, expanded border procedures and crisis tools. The analysis shows how this hybrid security of migration simultaneously strengthens the EU’s capacity to act as a security provider and institutionalizes exceptional governance at the borders, thereby reconfiguring the balance between border control, solidarity and fundamental rights.
Revisiting Securitization Theory in a Fragmented World: The Shifting Landscape of Security and Threat Construction
This theoretical paper explores the expansion of the security concept beyond traditional military strength. Technological advancements, societal transformations, environmental challenges, and strategic communication have significantly shaped perceptions and constructions of threats in discourse. The study analyzes securitization (Buzan, Weaver & de Wilde, 1998; Balzacq, 2005; Xu & Shi, 2025) as a concept influenced by these factors. It introduces the notion of a ‘security imaginary’, defined as a collection of narratives, symbols, and communicative discourses (Mokry, 2023) that characterize the contemporary international environment, and initiates a discussion on the reconfiguration of current understandings of securitization. The analysis demonstrates how this imaginary has evolved across four interconnected domains. First, societal vulnerabilities arising from populist politics, polarization, and deception have rendered trust and shared belonging essential security assets. Second, the proliferation of cyberspace, technology, and artificial intelligence has redefined deterrence, knowledge, and surveillance in a data-driven context. Third, cultural processes increasingly commercialize fear, transforming danger into a form of “threat theatre” for audiences. Finally, the scope of security has expanded both globally and temporally due to the impact of climate change. Recent developments in the international arena indicate a convergence between traditional and contemporary security discourses. Current conceptualizations of threats integrate earlier emphases on defense, sovereignty, and resilience with a modern, shared language of threat. This transformation is driven not only by coercion, force, and power but also by words, symbols, and meaning. As a result, security now encompasses both defense and the construction of meaning, leading to significant implications. Acknoledgment: This research was supported by the project “EU and Romania’s Contribution to Civil Security in Moldova: Policies, Strategic Partnerships, and Strengthening European Identity (SECURE-MD)”, project code PN-IV-PCB-RO-MD-2024-0237, financed by the Executive Agency for Higher Education, Research, Development and Innovation Funding (UEFISCDI).
Comments on „Romania's Integration into the Soviet Sphere of Influence (1944-1947)”, by Emanuel Copilaș
This bibliographic essay was occasioned by what we consider to be one of the most significant editorial events of 2023, the publication of the book "Romania's integration into the Soviet sphere of influence (1944-1947). International and local perspectives", by Emanuel Copilaș. Although, apparently, there are few things left to research regarding the history of the period, Emanuel Copilaș's book draws attention to realities that are often passed over in silence and polemicizes with a historiographical direction that has become dominant within the boundaries of the Romanian post-socialist culture. This historiographical school of thought, encouraged by present day political education, tends to give the complex process of transition of the Romanian state from the capitalist monarchical regime to the communist government a much simplified representation, which hyperbolically depicts the conflicts between interests, intentions and motivations unfolding during the first post-war years in terms of a struggle between good and evil, without any attempt at contextualization. The questions raised within the pages of the book regarding the role of political interpretation of historical data open a difficult intellectual conversation, with numerous ramifications, which requires further research and inspire collateral reflections. Therefore, what was initially intended to be a simple review turned into an extended commentary, which goes beyond the boundaries of the book's subject matter and proceeds to exemplification by extensively citing various related sources.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : 2024 (2024)
John of Salisbury on the Role and the Limits of Political Power
Usually, John of Salisbury is related to medieval hierocratic political reflection. However, the treatise Policraticus offers a much more nuanced analysis. The efforts that John makes to find the necessary conceptual tools for the moderation of power and to find it a legitimate space of existence are remarkable. Moreover, John of Salisbury is concerned with emphasizing harmony over hierarchy, liberty over rigidity, and social cooperation over coercion. Thus, there are arguments to be made that John of Salisbury is not only one of the main medieval writers, but also one who announces a new way of understanding politics.
What Do We Choose: the Leaders, the Parties or the Ideologies? A Case Study for the 2016-2020 Local Elections in Romania, in Iași County
This article aims to make a theoretical incursion on electoral behavior highlighting/ stressing the key-factors which could influence voters’ electoral decision: the relations between political leaders and the parties they belong to, the left-right ideology of political parties/leaders. Starting from the theoretical analyses carried out especially for the electoral rounds at national/central level, the article aims to outline the formula of determinism between local leaders appointed for Mayors in local elections in order to influence the results of electoral elections in relation to the vote obtained by parties for the nomination of elected representatives proposed for Local Councils/parties to which they belong, also appealing to the left-right ideological dimension, represented by the two parties that dominated political life after 1989 in Romania, PSD (Social-Democrat Party) and PNL (National Liberal Party), respectively. The proposed analysis is a quantitative, an exploratory and a comparative one, starting from the results obtained in Iasi County in the local elections of 2016-2020 for the appointment of Mayors (political leader) and of Local Councils (party/ideology).
What Four Romanian Intellectuals Want from the President of Their Country
Madeleine Albright, Fascismul. Un avertisment
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : (2023)
Reflections on Electronic Government: Challenges, Limitations and (Un)Realistic Expectations
E‑governance is a concept that transcends simple administrative modernization. It is an end in itself, a way of approaching an impressive potentially beneficial coexistence between society and technology: it combines the knowledge, resources and needs of society with the potential and capacity of technology to create a more efficient and accessible government environment. Exploring the evolution of e‑government from concept to vision, highlighting the need for its advancement in the contemporary world, we argue for its value as a resource for policy and administration. Through the analysis of empirical studies we will illustrate the concept, evolution, benefits and challenges of e‑government. We emphasize the importance of e‑government not only as a tool for modernization and efficiency but also as a facilitator for democratic processes and civic engagement. By highlighting how e‑government reconciles the demands and needs of society with the potential of technology we can provide a complex and balanced perspective. Considering people as both architects and beneficiaries of transformation, we emphasize the significance of this society‑technology coexistence. Coexistence where e‑government remains an engine of societal progress where people and technology work synergistically to build a more connected and prosperous future. This complex dynamic is the foundation of the idea of a connected and progressive society in which each individual can become an active and influential resource in the governance process.
On the Value of „Common Sense” as a Means of Detecting Misinformation
The optimism with which the development of major Web 2.0 platforms was greeted in the first decade of the 21st century has been progressively replaced by skepticism and even by major concerns about the ability of new media oligopolies to seize control over public discourse and to use it without much consideration for the public good. Nowadays, the topic of „fake news” creates obsessive anxiety. Various experts and numerous organizations were called upon to contribute to speech verification and control initiatives promoted by the public authority. However, the fact that such initiatives implicitly claim an epistemic superiority that the supposed victims of disinformation tend not to recognize highlights the value of approaches more receptive to the idea of epistemic equality. The following article investigates the usefulness of a means of intersubjective knowledge as accessible as it is frequently ignored or challenged by scientists: the common sense. I will argue in favor of the hypothesis that common sense can help spontaneously detect disinformation interventions of a specific variety.
Teneur et aboutissement de promesses electorales: les presidentielles Algerie 2019
Since always, electoral promises – subject of political market – make their campaign and elect their candidates. Promises are the one‑upmanship between rivals and contenders for the government of public affairs. But they are also qualified, particularly by experts and opponents, as illusory and not feasible once the candidate is elected. In this paper we focus on the 2019 electoral campaign in Algeria in order to demonstrate, through three examples of promises announced by the elected president, that promises are ambiguous and can be perceived differently depending on whether one is candidate or voter, interpretations that certainly have implications for decision making and then for public policy.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : 2023 (2023)
Three Types of Criticism of Machiavellian realism
In political thinking of the XVI‑XVIII centuries, at least three categories of criticism against Machiavelli can be noted: the minimalist one, specific to those who accept realism, but not all consequences that occur; the moderate criticism of those who, though they consider the foundation of Machiavellian realism wrong, recognize the existence of a certain kind of useful practical wisdom; the radical criticism of those who see the whole Machiavellian approach as flawed and dangerous. Even if these critics are not entirely convincing, their analysis remains useful. We understand better both the way the ethico‑political model was defended in the post‑renaissance world, as well as some of intellectual sources of modern political rationalism or idealism.
The Revision of Albania’s National Interest in the Context of the Strategic Partnership
This paper aims to analyze a previously unexplored issue, such as the revision of Albania’s national interests in the context of the strategic partnership. The objective is to move away from traditionalist approaches in the Western Balkans which consider Albania’s ‘National Interest’ as unsustainable and a derivative of changes in Foreign Policy with direct implications in the framework of constitutive rules in multilateral relations. Through the qualitative method, the study sets to add knowledge to the body of literature that the constructivist approach in relation to other theories can offer a more acceptable understanding of Foreign Policy in the Western Balkans and change our view regarding the National Interest of Albania. The data used for Albania were obtained from the National Strategies of the last two years. Having such a perspective, the article, argues that the growth of and revision of Albanian National Interest in the Balkans and specifically in Northern Macedonia, also supported by the strategic partnership with the allies, has transformed it into one of the main actors in the region from a geostrategic point of view. At the same time, Open Balkans Initiative is a constant priority of Albanian Foreign Policy and the wider region, positively evaluated by the EU for opening membership negotiations and improving interstate cooperation. Consequently, Albania’s Strategic Partnership with the European Union, the United States of America, and Turkey is a key priority for strengthening the geostrategy‑economy‑politics triangle. This further adapted in geopolitical terms for the region, the importance of the Adriatic Sea‑Eighth Corridor, and integration into the European Union.
Oana Zamfirache (coord.), Corupția ucide?
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : (2022)
IMPLICATIONS OF EDUCATION ON VOTER TURNOUT IN ROMANIA
From an electoral point of view, the year 2024 will represent a first for Romania, being the moment when, for the first time, all four types of elections (local, parliamentary, presidential and europarliamentary) will be organized during the same year. In this sense, I believe that a real debate about the benefits of a considerable voter turnout is needed in society more than ever. In the opinion of many, voting represents the most democratic tool for participation in public life, a high turnout at the polls being most often correlated by the general public with an increased level of education of the citizens. But is this really the reality? In this article, I propose to create an inventory of the main electoral moments in post 1989 Romania in order to observe the trends in attendance at the voting booths over the past 30 years. Then, in the second part of the article, I will correlate this data with the indicators that suggest the level of education of the citizens in order to understand if the hypothesis that a higher level of education can be understood by a higher turnout at the polls can be validated.
THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE WAR IN UKRAINE. PRESENT AND TRANSFORMATIONS
In this article we will expose the relationship created between the European Union and Ukraine in the context of the war between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. The unjustified war against Ukraine has strongly affected the energy and food markets as well as the general European balance. EU countries are closely coordinating actions to combat rising prices and supply shortages. The European Union was forced to intervene and apply sanctions to the Russian Federation and at the same time, applied a series of actions to help the Ukrainian state and its population.
THE CONCEPT OF PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE AND ITS EVOLUTION FROM THE SINO-SOVIET DISPUTE TO THE PRESENT CHINESE POLICY TOWARD AFRICA
Considering both the contrasting positions of the West and the East, as well as the increasingly complicated relationship between the US and China, which presents itself as an exponent of the emerging, multipolar or post-American world, this article aims to infer the meanings currently attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence applied in China's foreign policy, how it has evolved, from the Sino-soviet dispute to present, and to what extend does this concept characterize China's policy towards Africa and the emerging states in general. The first part of the paper focuses on the Sino-Soviet dispute and the differences in the meanings attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence, which, although foreign to the Western literature of international relations, still seems to constitute the central theme of the Chinese Communist Party, being present in most of the speeches and documents of foreign policy issued by the Chinese government. Moreover, I will analyze the extent to which China's involvement and relationship with the African states - and the other BRICS states - reflects the principles of the concept of peaceful coexistence.
MEASURING THE RISK OF DEMOCRATIC DISORDER. STATISTICAL MODEL FOR POLITICAL ENTROPY
This paper aims to introduce a new statistical measure related to the level of equilibrium and disequilibrium in democratic political systems. Following the traditional normative and empirical political theory, the paper introduces several categories related to the risk of political entropy in various democratic systems. We propose, in accordance with the Shannon entropy model, a new quantitative perspective in which we take into consideration relevant predictors of democratic stability which are theorized in political sciences. Elections, governance, civil rights and participative political culture are the core of liberal democracy. In this respect, we integrated these factors into the field of endogenous variables of democracy. External factors are represented by the level of militarization, economic dimension and interactions between political systems in the international arena. Besides the internal and external dimensions of democracy, we aim to introduce new risk factors, specific to the beginning of the XXIst century such as human and social development, online mass media, political polarization, the level of security and safety and terrorist threats. However, we propose a composite measure of the political entropy, based on conditional entropies associated with internal, external and risk factors.
EXPERIENCE, PARTICULARITY AND MODERATION - THE BEGINNINGS OF A DIFFERENT SEARCH OF THE LIBERAL ORDER
The critique of absolutism, highlighting the importance of rule of law, and affirming liberties are defining aspects of the liberal political philosophy. Rationalistic demonstrations of the fact that the right political order means limiting power and guaranteeing individual liberty are among the best known achievements of liberal thought. But since the 17th-18th centuries, the search for liberty and rule of law has also been done without neglect of historical realities, experience, particularities or continuity. Fénelon, Montesquieu, Hume, and Blackstone tell us that the order of freedom can be found through moderation, pragmatism and skepticism about the omnipotence of abstract reason.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL DEPICTIONS OF NATIONAL CHARACTER IN ROMANIAN POST-SOCIALIST POLITICAL ESSAYS – TWO EXAMPLES)
The history of cultural anthropology has recorded quite a few mythological depictions or fictional interpretations of ethnographic data. This happened to such an extent that the recourse to imagination in order to describe „the human nature” or „the national character” became a topic of anthropological study in itself. This field of research offers an impressive set of examples when it comes to the issue of the distinctive features of ethnic groups or national traditions, the political discourse about which is often loaded with stereotypes and anthropological representations that say more about those who conceive and circulate them than about the object to which they refer. The paper below presents comparatively two instances of the manifestation of this kind of fictional representations in the Romanian post-socialist public discourse and frames a series of observations regarding the mindset of the Romanian post-socialist elite.
Merci de créditer les auteurs lors de toute citation : Analele Ştiinţifice ale Universităţii „Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași (Serie Nouă) SCIENCES POLITIQUES (2022)
Andrei Ursu, Roland O. Thomasson, Mădălin Hodor, Trăgători şi mistificatori: contrarevoluţia Securităţii în decembrie 1989, Polirom, 2019
CAN SOMEONE REAP THE FRUIT BEFORE PLANTING THE TREES? WHY SHOULD ROMANIAN UNIVERSITY MANAGERS REFLECT MORE OFTEN ABOUT THE CHINA MODEL
Over the years, as the all-encompassing processes of globalization and neoliberalization unfolded, the Popular Republic of China increasingly deepened its developmental policies intended to increase its technological and economic competitiveness. Chinese universities experimented with various forms of managerial techniques imported from the West, including those inspired by the neoliberal ideology. Their achievements in the field of tertiary education were so impressive that they easily became a source of inspiration for neoliberal managers aspiring to „excellence” all around the world. On the other hand, in post-socialist Europe, stuck in an unsatisfying and unfulfilled search for ideal neoliberal productivity models, Romanian university managers are still obsessing with pushing their institutions among the ones listed by the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU), while many Romanian researchers are seeking to publish in Chinese journals. Some of them look up with envy to the generous incentives that Chinese public universities are providing in order to increase their publication output. However, the interest for debating or critically understanding the governance behind all these trends is barely visible. More often than not, researchers and experts alike are happy to believe that their academic work has nothing to do with politics or ideology. Few are questioning the political bases of neoliberal reforms at home, and even fewer are trying find out more about what really happens in China. In this paper I will try to incite questions or working hypotheses about the ideology of neoliberal competitiveness by encouraging Romanian readers to reflect upon issues and debates informed by the prestige-driven university reforms experimented over the last three decades by the Popular Republic of China. Also, the paper will provide some useful bibliographical suggestions for those who want to dive deeper and better understand recent policy directions adopted by the Communist Party of China in this field.
ADMINISTRAȚIA PUBLICĂ LOCALĂ ÎN ERA SOCIAL MEDIA
Since the beginning of the early 2000s, romanians began to show an increased interest in the new tools meant to facilitate both the information of the citizens and their participation in discussions and debates. It wasn’t long before the citizens discovered the opportunities offered by the Facebook social network, thanks to which they began to move the debates in the virtual environment. The purpose of this article is to understand the degree of which the local public administration has adapted to these requirements and to what extent the halls of the county towns in Romania find a friend in facilitating the interaction with citizens through Facebook. Thus, in this paper I analyze the Facebook pages of the halls of the county towns in Romania in order to understand to what extent they have adopted the Facebook tool in the interaction with the citizens. After presenting the results obtained by each page, I will elaborate a six-step guide that the town halls could follow in order to increase the efficiency of communication on Facebook.